CIA Complicity in Cocaine Trafficking: Implausible Deniabiliy

Naji Mujahid
US History post-1865
Professor Asch
University of the District of Columbia
April 27, 2010

CIA Complicity in Cocaine Trafficking:  Implausible Deniabiliy

Blame Reagan for making me [in]to a monster//Blame Oliver North and Iran-Contra//I ran contraband that they sponsored//Before these rhymes and stuff we was in concert

-Jay-Z, Blue Magic[1]

              The above song lyrics speak to a scandal in American political history that shook the nation’s trust in the executive office and the intelligence agencies.  The Iran-Contra affair[2] came to public consciousness after news reports appeared that a plane had been shot down while carrying 10,000 pounds of armaments.  The weapons were headed for Nicaragua and Iran.  It came to be known that the US government was supporting the rebels in those countries against their popular governments.  It turned out that the rabbit hole went a lot deeper and it involved the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), a faction of Iranians, the President along with several people in the his cabinet, a rebel group (known as the Contras) fighting to overthrow the popular Sandanista government in Nicaragua, drug smugglers in Central America, and Israeli intelligence officials; all brought together by the unholy trinity of guns, drugs, and money.

It is a story tailor made for conspiracy theorists and muckraking journalists.  This paper will provide an overview of this scandal and will particularly focus on the complicity of the US government, and its intelligence agencies, in trafficking cocaine to the United States.  That the CIA was aware of the Contras drug smuggling activities is not disputable, however, the following research will attempt to show that, not only were they aware of it, but they were also actively involved with it.


The setting of this story is the latter stage of the Cold War which began shortly after World War II.  The Cold War evolved out of the United States and other Western capitalist[3] countries alliance to defeat the rise of Communism among the Eastern Bloc, particularly the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), in order to “make the world safe for Democracy”[4].  The USSR on the other hand was also involved in a campaign to spread its influence across the globe to defeat capitalism.  Towards those ends, the US and USSR began vying for influence amongst the many smaller non-aligned countries in the world and also became engaged in an intense race of weapons proliferation.  Eventually, with the advent of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, they reached a point of mutually assured destruction and could not engage each other in direct battle without risking the obliteration of both countries.  Instead, they engaged in several proxy wars by supporting opposite sides of conflicts such as in Korea, Afghanistan, and Vietnam.

Another development in the wake of World War II was the National Security Act of 1947.  This legislation created the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS)[5], transformed the Office of Strategic Services (OSS)[6] into the CIA, and established the National Security Council (NSC) to serve as a nexus for the JCS, CIA, and executive office to coordinate intelligence and develop strategy.  For years following the formation of the NSC, “the public and even most government officials were privy to little information about its workings.” (Johnson 1991, 3). This all changed in 1974 when New York Times reporter, Seymour Hersch, published an expose about the Agency that revealed, among other things, foreign assassination plots and widespread domestic surveillance.  This created a firestorm within the American body politic because, “Toppling Marxist regimes was one thing, even if the plans ran amok; widespread surveillance of American citizens— read voters— went too far.” (Johnson 1991, 4).

President Gerald Ford was compelled to act and created the U.S. President’s Commission on CIA activities within the United States which is commonly referred to as the Rockefeller Commission because it was headed byVice President Nelson Rockefeller.  The investigation found that the CIA had:

  • a program to open mail to or from selected American citizens generated 1.5 million names stored in the Agency’s computer bank
  • engaged in drug experiments (the MK/ULTRA Project[7]) against unsuspecting subjects (two of whom died from side effects)
  • [plotted the assassination of] at least two foreign leaders…..(none successful)
  • manipulated elections in democratic regimes (Chile was but one of several)
  • carried out burglaries in the homes and offices of suspected “subversives”
  • infiltrated religious, media, and academic organizations

(Johnson 1991, 5)

These revelations led the agency from the “Era of Trust (1947-74) to the “Era of Skepticism (1974-76) and into the “Era of Uneasy Partnership (1976-1986)” during which time “experimental forms of closer legislative supervision over the intelligence community and heightened public awareness of the CIA and its missions.” (Johnson 1991, 9).  He also identifies the current phase as the “Era of Distrust (1986- )” which began after the revelations of the Iran-Contra scandal.


               The US came to Nicaragua in 1909 to support a resistance movement against President Jose Zelaya who had executed hundreds of rebels (and more importantly to the US, two American citizens) and had interfered with American interests in the region[8].  Under the pressure of the rebels internally and the US externally, Zelaya resigned.  In 1912, the US intensified their military presence and established the Nicaraguan National Guard (Guardia), and appointed Anastosio Somoza Garcia as its leader.  Trained and financed by the US, the purpose of the Guardia was to protect and promote US interests in the region.

With the power of the Guardia behind him, Somoza would eventually ascend to the Presidency and establish a dynasty that lasted until 1979.  In 1956, President Anastasio Somoza Garcia was assassinated and his son, Luis Somoza, succeeded him.  It is hard to imagine the stranglehold Somoza’s minions had over the Nicaraguans.  “The Guardia wasn’t just an army; it had its hands in everything.  If the CIA, the FBI, the DEA, the IRS, the army, the air force, the Marine Corps, the National Guard, the Coast Guard, Customs, Immigration, and the Postal Service were all rolled into one, it would begin to approach Somoza’s National Guard in its power over the everyday lives of the average citizen.”  The Somoza family also “owned nearly all of the country’s biggest corporations—the national airline the power company, the biggest hotel, the biggest department store, the cement factory, a newspaper…you name it, they owned it” and for 46 years, “the Somozas had done nearly everything the US Government asked”.

This dubious distinction most notably included being a stalwart ally against communism south of Mexico during the Cold War.  Hardly a US backed coup or assassination attempt went down without the help of the Nicaraguan National Guard, including the “CIA’s overthrow of a liberal Guatemalan government in 1954”, providing a “secret base for the Bay of Pigs invasion”, and even sending “Nicaraguans off to fight in Vietnam.”  The Samoza regime was not without opposition.  The Sandanista National Liberation Front (hereafter referred to as SNLF or Sandanistas) overthrew the government of President Luis Somoza in 1979.

Up to the point of the Carter Administration, the Somoza government had been impervious to the attacks of the Sandanistas.  But, because of Carters stance on promoting human rights, the US had to distance itself from the Nicaraguan Dictators harsh dealings with the rebels and rendered them impotent against the revolt of 1979.  In the aftermath of the revolution, many of the Somoza loyalists were arrested, some were executed, and many more went into exile and sought asylum elsewhere, particularly in the United States.  In 1981, a new administration took the reins of American government led by Ronald Reagan.  Ronald Reagan sought to escalate Cold War tactics to crush communism once and for all and this included supporting the Nicaraguan contrarevolucionarios (Contras).  “The president praised them as “freedom fighters” ….. “the moral equal of our Founding Fathers.” and, together, Reagan and CIA director William Casey believed that “if the United States could defeat a Soviet proxy in just one place, the entire evil empire would “unravel.””  (Longley 2005, 26)


               Monetary and material support for the Contras was allowed until 1984 when the US Congress passed the Boland Amendment which “prohibited contra aid for the purpose of overthrowing the Sandinista Government in fiscal year 1983, and limited all aid to the contras in fiscal year 1984 to $24 million” (Iran-Contra 1987).  This prohibitive act by congress infuriated Reagan and his response was not to acquiesce.  He informed national security adviser Robert McFarlane and his deputy, Admiral John Poindexter, as well as NSC staffer Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, “to do whatever you have to do to help these people [the contras] keep body and soul together.” (Longley 2005, 28).  This precipitated a series of covert acts organized by Lt. Col. Oliver North, et al. under the nose of Congress and without the official support of President Reagan.

The covert action directed by North, however, was not approved by the President in writing [italics mine]. Congress was not notified about it. And the funds to support it were never accounted for. In short, the operation functioned without any of the accountability required of Government activities. It was an evasion of the Constitution’s most basic check on executive action – the power of the Congress to grant or deny funding for Government programs.  (Iran-Contra 1987)

The actions taken by North were a tangled web of various interests and parties that was held together by the CIA.

Another covert development that would begin to intertwine with the covert support of the Contras was the covert relationship with Iran, specifically with self-proclaimed Iranian moderates.  Representatives of this group contacted McFarlane and claimed that if they sold them arms to support their efforts to undermine the Khomeini government in Iran, they could, in turn, negotiate the release of several Americans being held hostage in Lebanon by Hizbullah[9].  This contradicted President Ronald Reagan’s popular stance that he didn’t negotiate with terrorists[10] and these revelations eroded his credibility.

Eventually, North came up with the bright idea that they could overcharge the Iranians for the arms and use the excess profits to further their efforts with the Contras.  1986 proved to be an enlightening year for the American public.  That year, a CIA-chartered airplane was shot down by Sandanistas (October 5, 1986) and, after interrogation, the cargo handler and lone-survivor, Eugene Hassenfus, spilled the beans and revealed that he was delivering weapons to the Contras.  A month later on November 3, a Beirut newspaper (Al-Shira’a) reported the arms for hostages arrangement that had been going on.  It turned out that the arms purchasers were not moderates after all; they were loyal to the Khomeini government and had suckered the NSC.

The report from Al-Shira’a, the downed plane, and the subsequent admissions of Hassenfus opened the pandora box that became the Iran-Contra Affair.  Hasenfus reveals that this was one of many Contra resupply missions and he exposed the coordinator of these resupply missions as Felix Rodriguez (aka Max Gomez).  Rodriguez was a Cuban-American CIA agent and had been stationed in El Salvador for that purpose and to assist the El Salvadorean government with its own fight against insurgents; he is infamous for his involvement in the Bay of Pigs debacle and as the assassin of Ernesto “Che” Guevara (Webb 1999, 252).  He had been placed in El Salvador by his friend, Don Gregg, who was also Vice President George Bush’s (and former CIA director) national security advisor.  In an interview with on CBS with ‘60 Minutes’ host, Mike Wallace, Hasenfus said that Bush “was well aware of the covert arms supply operation” and that he “felt the Reagan-Bush administration was ‘backing this 100 percent’.” (Tarpley 2004, 420)


The Contras were not depending solely on funds generated from the arms deals and other donations secured by the NSC, such as the $32 million procured from Saudi Arabia (Zinn 2001, 586), but they were also trafficking cocaine and one of their biggest markets was in the US.  After the Sandanista revolution and the diasporic fleeing of Somoza loyalists throughout Central America and the US, a network of Nicaraguan expatriates had been created.  At the time, the largest supplier of cocaine to the US was the Medellin Cartel and in 1988 they are reported to have made $8 billion.  Furthermore, “All major US agencies have gone on the record stating, with varying degrees of frankness, that the Medellin Cartel used Contra forces to smuggle cocaine into the United States.” (McCoy 2003, 488).

There is no room here to broaden the discussion of CIA involvement in drug trafficking into other parts of the globe, but McCoy’s research outlines a similar process of exactly that having taken place in Afghanistan, Southeast Asia, and, of course, Latin America.  Allegations and evidence of this union between the Contras, drug traffickers, and US government operatives prompted Senator John Kerry to form a Senate committee to investigate.  They found a “pattern of CIA complicity in Central America strikingly similar to that in Laos ten years before—­ tolerance for drug dealing by the agencies local assets and concealment of their criminal activity to protect its covert operation.” (McCoy 2003, 492).

Beyond passive complicity, there is also evidence to support a pattern of active engagement.  In the courtroom, eyewitness testimony is one of the most powerful tools that can be used in a case.  The Iran-Contra hearings that went on for weeks in the Congress and Senate revolved around the testimony of witnesses.  However, as former DEA Agent Celerino Castillo III noted in his expose’, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras & the Drug War, there was a third aspect to the Iran-Contra scandal that went ignored.  “Ask the damn question!”, he yelled at the tv screen as he watched the drama unfold on CNN (Castillo III 1994, 19).  But, no one did, except for Sen. Orrin Hatch who asked North if there was any truth to allegations of drug smuggling via the Contras resupply operations.  However, without further cross-examination, Hatch allowed North off of the hook after his simple response of “Absolutely false”.

Castillo has another story.  He worked as a DEA Agent for 12 years; much of his time was spent in South America.  During that time, he came to regard North as “the leader…..of Latin America’s most protected drug smuggling operation….Contra planes flew north to the US, loaded with cocaine, then returned laden with cash.  All under the protective umbrella of the United States Government.” (Castillo III 1994, 23).  Castillo’s claim was echoed in a report by the CIA’s Inspector General Frederick Hitz whose “internal inquiry corroborated a pattern of CIA complicity in narcotics trafficking” (McCoy 2003, 500).  Furthermore, Gary Webb, a journalist, wrote a series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News and later published a book, Dark Alliance, in which he uncovered that “The FDN[11] had sold drugs to American citizens—mainly Black Americans—and the CIA was on the hook for it: a CIA agent had given the goddamned order.” (Webb 1999, 450).

Not only that, but when Agents like Castillo started getting too close to government protected smugglers, their investigations were thwarted.  In some cases, their targets had clearly been tipped off; Webb relates an investigation where the target taunted the Sheriff’s Deputy saying, “I got power! …..You don’t know what you’re doing.  There’s a bigger picture here.  I’m working for the CIA.” (Webb 1999, 325).  In other cases, the agents’ superiors “quietly and firmly advised me to move on to other investigations” (Castillo III 1994, 22).

The centerpiece of Webb’s research was the relationship between ‘Freeway’ Ricky Ross (the African-American street level kingpin) and his connection to the cocaine, Danilo Blandon (a Contra).  Blandon was the founder of the FDN in Los Angeles and took orders from Norwin Menesis (FDN member and cocaine supplier) and Enrique Bermudez (FDN Commander and CIA operative).  Meneses, Blandon, and Ross were the triune that brought cocaine from the coca farmers in Columbia to the junkies in Los Angeles.  However, there were other operations being run that led from Central America to Florida.  The CIA allied with American expatriates Alan Hyde and John Hull who were based in the Bay Islands and Costa Rica, respectively.  Hull’s alliance with the CIA lasted from 1984-1986, during which time the CIA and Contras used his huge ranch and its six airstrips for pick-ups, drop-offs, and refueling and the Contras paid him a small stipend of $10,000 a month as directed by Oliver North.

Gary Betzner, a drug pilot for Jorge Morales, testified to Senator Kerry’s subcommittee that on two occasions he, with Hull present, had witnessed a cache of arms being unloaded form the plane and a half-ton of cocaine being loaded back onto the plane for him to fly back to Lakeland, FL (McCoy 2003, 490-491).  Hyde’s island location “just off [the coast of] Honduras was ideally suited for both cocaine smuggling into the United States and CIA arms shipments to contra bases along the Honduras-Nicaragua border.”  And with the approval of CIA deputy director Robert Gates in August 1987, he did just that, making trips between his base and Florida.  During and before this union Hyde was a known narcotic trafficker to the DoD, DEA, customs, and CIA (McCoy 2003, 496-498).

During the CIA covert operations with the Contras (specifically from 1982-1995), the Agency was under a strange mandate that did not require “allegations of drug trafficking with respect to non-employees[12] of the agency” to be reported.  This strange mandate was an agreement between the Department of Justice and the CIA that amounted to a ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ policy and was forged “just as the CIA was getting involved in the Contra project and the conflict in Afghanistan…..They knew drugs were going to be sold.” (Webb 1999, 482-483).


Curiously, the House and Senate hearings practically ignored the aspects of the Iran-Contra Affair that had to do with drug smuggling, focusing on the arms for hostages deals.  When they filed their joint report Rep. Richard Cheney “helped steer the committee to an impotent result”.  Cheney would later become the Secretary of Defense in the Bush Administration after Bush’s first nomination was not accepted by the Senate.  His first choice had been Sen. John Tower who led President Reagan’s investigation into Iran-Contra and he found no reason to bring criminal allegations against anyone and focuses a considerable amount of the report on Oliver North, despite not having North’s testimony.  Tarpley suggests that North was simply the fall guy and that Reagan and Bush were a lot more involved than meets the eye.  The Tower Commission Report barely mentions either of them.  Perhaps they had good reason.  Many of the key people, or anyone who might flip, came up dead; including the former CIA director William Casey who underwent brain surgery that left him mute, “he soon died, literally without ever saying another word” and Robert McFarlane attempted suicide (both in the same week, February 1987).

Clearly, Iran-Contra ruined some careers and buttressed others.  Dick Cheney would spend another 20 years in politics, most notably as VP to George W. Bush.  Lt. Col. Colin Powell, who supervised arms shipments to Iran became Secretary of Defense and considered a Presidential campaign.  Then CIA deputy director, Robert Gates is currently Secretary of Defense.  George H.W. Bush became president after Reagan and his son George W. Bush was a two-term president after Bill Clinton.  Then governor, Clinton was alleged to have thwarted law enforcement investigations at Mena airport in Mena, Arkansas which was believed to be a drug smuggling thoroughfare; meanwhile, his wife’s law firm is alleged to have been laundering Contra drug money[13] (Ruppert 2004, xv).

She went on to become a Senator and is currently Secretary of State.  Many other politicians, intelligence officials, and cabinet members have been shuffled around over the past 4 Administrations.  One more worth mentioning is John Negroponte, who was the Ambassador to Honduras and Deputy National Security Advisor under Reagan would serve as Ambassador to several different countries under Bush I, Clinton, and Bush II (notably, as Ambassador to Iraq after the war started in 2003);  later he would be Bush II’s Deputy Secretary of State and the 1st Director of National Intelligence.

Following the hearings on Capitol Hill, Lt. Col. Oliver North and VADM John Poindexter of the NSC were convicted for charges related to the Iran-Contra cover up.  Both of their convictions were vacated on appeal.  There were a few other convictions in Reagan’s cabinet, most notably Elliot Abrams who found his way onto George W. Bush’s National Security Council.  On the lower rungs of the chain Danilo Blandon and Ricky Ross were also convicted, but given remarkably harsher sentences.  This kind of disparity has, since the early 80s, plagued lower level drug dealers while the enablers at the top go unnoticed and uninvestigated.  Webb writes,

While the FDN’s war is barely a memory today, black America is still dealing with its poisonous side effects. Urban neighborhoods are grappling with legions of homeless crack addicts. Thousands of young black men are serving long prison sentences for selling cocaine — a drug that was virtually unobtainable in black neighborhoods before members of the CIA’s army started bringing it into South-Central in the 1980s at bargain-basement prices. (Webb, America’s ‘crack’ plague has roots in Nicaragua War 1996, 1).


In the end Communism did indeed fall and eventually the Sandanista government was voted out.  In the United States, the War on Communism had given way to the ‘War on Drugs’.  Government agencies and law enforcement bragged about their efforts south of El Paso and assured the public that everything was being done to put a stop to the import of narcotics.  Today, there are arguably more drugs coming in than there ever was, more people are incarcerated in the US than anywhere else in the world, and a vastly disproportionate number of prison inmates are Black.  When Webb’s expose came out, a firestorm swept the Black community.  A class-action law suit[14] was even opened against the CIA and DoJ, alleging that their ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ agreement was illegal and subsequently responsible for the erosion of their communities.  “Legal experts gave the suit little chance of success…..the Federal courts can be a brutal arena in which to fight US Government policy.” (Webb 1999, 485)

Webb’s story, while lauded by some, was loathed by others.  It wasn’t long before the mainstream media began to attack him and the San Jose Mercury News.  One of the main attackers was veteran reporter Walter Pincus at the Washington Post; however, it turned out that Pincus was, in fact, a “former CIA agent and propagandist”.  Eventually, the SJMN has caved under the pressure and began to run detractions to the story.  Webb eventually resigned and published his book in 1999.  Five years later, the Pulitzer Prize winning journalist shot himself in the head.

              The link between the Contras and the CIA, et al. is not crystal clear.  However, when you peer through the tarnished glass it is pretty obvious what was going on there.  As Michael Ruppert notes,

The CIA has been dealing drugs since before it was the CIA; already in its first days, as the OSS during World War II it was facilitating and managing the trade, and directing its criminal proceeds to the places of its masters’ choosing….. The use of the drug trade to secure economic advantage for an imperialist nation is at least as old as the British East India Company’s first smuggling of opium from India into China in the late 1600s. (Ruppert 2004, 67)

The links between the CIA and Contras are clear, the directives from the Executive office to support the Contras war are clear, the agencies willingness to deal with known drug traffickers are clear, and the agreement with the DoJ to ignore such things are clear.  It is also obvious that tons of kilos of cocaine are not going to make it through the border that regularly and under that many noses.

The revelations that came to light after the Iran-Contra scandal broke were covered up and much to the dismay of people like Castillo, the line of questioning that followed the narcotics trafficking was not taken; in fact, it was avoided.  Until, Webb’s expose came out, no investigation was done about the drugs.  Except for the overturned convictions of North and Poindexter (and a few lower level pardons) no one was held accountable for anything.  The cover-up and lack of accountability speaks volumes.  It is much more ridiculous to believe that the CIA is innocent, given the facts, than to conclude that a lack of facts is proof of their innocence.  After all, sitting before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, even Sen. Paul Simon acknowledged NSC member (and career CIA agent) Don Gregg’s “career training in establishing secrecy and deniability for covert operations.” (Tarpley 2004, 424).  With that in mind, it could be safe to assume that what we do know is just the tip of the iceberg.

[1] From Jay-Z’s American Gangster album on Roc-A-Fella/Island Def Jam Records.  Produced by The Neptunes.  2007.

[2] Sometimes referred to as the Iran-Contra scandal, Irangate, or Contragate.

[3] In history and political thought, democracy is often used as a euphemism for capitalism.  I prefer the latter term because it is more descriptive and exact to describe the US intentions.

[4] This phrase was uttered by President Woodrow Wilson when he addressed the US Congress on April 2, 1917 to encourage their support for entering World War I.

[5] The JCS is an office that includes the heads of the US Military branches.

[6] The OSS was formed during WWII as an entity to coordinate intelligence activities between the Armed Forces.

[7] MK Ultra was a project designed to experiment with the possibilities of mind control and was funded by millions of U.S. dollars and led by a scientist named Sidney Gottlieb.  The CIA conducted experiments with a combination of hypnosis, shock therapy, ketamine and LSD.  The CIA was fascinated by LSD, and thought it a wonder drug that could be used not only to create zombie-like armies, but to drive enemy leaders like Fidel Castro insane. There were few willing subjects in the research — often, LSD was secretly given to a range of people, from CIA employees to prostitutes and the mentally ill. Sometimes, agents even posed as prostitutes and secretly drugged their clients, while fellow agents watched in two-way mirrors.

[8] Nicaragua had been a possible location for the US to construct a canal, but when they decided to build it in Panama instead, the response of President Jose Zelaya was to negotiate a canal building project in Nicaragua with Japan and Germany.

[9] Hezbollah (“Party of God”) is a political and paramilitary organization based in Lebanon. Hezbollah is also a major provider of social services, which operate schools, hospitals, and agricultural services for thousands of Lebanese and plays a significant force in Lebanese politics. It is regarded as a resistance movement throughout much of the Arab and Muslim world. Many governments, including Arab ones, have condemned actions by Hezbollah while others have praised the party. Several western countries regard it in whole or in part as a terrorist organization.

[10] “Let me further make it plain to the assassins in Beirut and their accomplices, wherever they may be, that America will never make concessions to terrorists — to do so would only invite more terrorism — nor will we ask nor pressure any other government to do so. Once we head down that path there would be no end to it, no end to the suffering of innocent people, no end to the bloody ransom all civilized nations must pay.” President’s press conference, broadcast on all major stations on June 18,1985.

[11] Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Democratic Forces): Contra faction created by the CIA and was and the largest, best trained, and most well-armed Contra faction.

[12] Non-employees are defined as agents, assets (informants, liaisons, etc.), and non-staff employees.

[13] Allegations that the CIA and Department of Justice were complicit in the flow of cocaine into South Central LA; that the Clintons were partnered with George H. W. Bush and Oliver North through the offices of the National Security Council in a little Iran Contra arms and cocaine trafficking operation in Mena, Arkansas; and that Hillary Clinton’s law firm was helping launder the local share of the profits through state housing agency securities and investments were never addressed objectively by the corporate media.

[14] Lyons v. CIA (research into the status of the case was unsuccessful)


Castillo III, Celerino and Harmon, David. Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras & the Drug War. Oakville: Mosaic Press, 1994.

Churchill, Ward. On the Justice of Roosting Chickens. Oakland: AK Press, 2003.

Congress, Library of. “Country Studies (Nicaragua).” Federal Research Divisoin. December 1993. (accessed April 25, 2010).

Cooper, William. Behold A Pale Horse. Sedona: Light Technology Publishing, 1991.

International, Crescent. Issues in the Ismlamic Movement 1987. Edited by Khalim Siddiqui and M. Ghayasuddin. Vol. 7. 7 vols. London: The Open Press, 1990.

Iran-Contra, Comgressional Committee to Investigate. The American Presidency Project. November 18, 1987. (accessed April 25, 2010).

Johnson, Loch K. America’s Secret Power : The CIA in a Democratic Society. Cary: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Longley, Kyle. Deconstructing Reagan : Conservative Mythology and America’s Fortieth President. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 2005.

McCoy, Alfred W. The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2003.

Ruppert, Michael C. Crossing the Rubicon : The Decline of the Aerican Empire at the End of the Age of Oil. Crossing the Rubicon : The Decline of the Aerican Empire at the End of the Age of Oil. Gabriola Island: New Society Publishers, 2004.

Tarpley, Webster G. and Chaitkin, Anton. George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. Joshua Tree: Progressive Press, 2004.

Webb, Gary. Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, and the Crack-Cocaine Explosion. New York: Seven Stories Press, 1999.

—. “America’s ‘crack’ plague has roots in Nicaragua War.” San Jose Mercury News, August 18, 1996.

Zinn, Howard. A Peoples History of the United States. New York: Perrenial Classics, 2001.

—. The Zinn Reader. Neew York: Seven Stories Press, 2009.


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